Punishing Places

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	<title>Punishing Places</title>
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	<description>Punishing Places</description>
	<pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 00:26:27 +0000</pubDate>
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		<title>Front page</title>
				
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		<pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 00:26:25 +0000</pubDate>

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	Chapter Summaries &#38;amp; Appendix

Introduction

	The
introduction to the book lays out the main argument and contribution of Punishing Places. Mass incarceration impacted
communities with enormous social and political costs. Today, the highest rates
of incarceration are in nonmetropolitan areas and small cities. The research
literature has largely missed this fact: almost all studies of mass
incarceration and neighborhoods have drawn from data in large urban cities.
Theories of place and punishment thus emerged from a narrow understanding of
the ways place may pattern punishment. I also highlight that this intuition to
study places yields another important
finding: mass incarceration should be conceptualized as one of the legacies of
racial residential segregation. The introduction also explains why
Massachusetts is a useful case in addition to exploring U.S. counties.
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Chapter 1 &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; A Spatial View of Punishment

    
Chapter 1 describes
major theoretical debates in analyzing the concentration of imprisonment in
local communities. I present here the distinctive way that a spatial analysis
of punishment deepens our understanding of the causes and consequences of mass
incarceration. I discuss the two theoretical traditions that explain the highly
spatially concentrated pattern of incarceration, and synthesize these theories
to draw out key hypotheses about the relationship between place, social
control, and racial inequality. These hypotheses are explored further in
subsequent chapters.


Chapter 2&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; The Urban Model 
This
chapter tests the urban model presented by scholars of social control and urban
inequality. In an examination of prison admissions across Massachusetts, I find
extreme spatial concentration of incarceration rates in neighborhoods: indeed,
neighborhoods containing just 15 percent of the state’s population account for
51 percent of the prison admissions. However, contrary to prior research, I
show the highest rates of incarceration are in neighborhoods of small cities
outside of Boston. The chapter features a theoretical discussion of how these
notably high levels and concentrations in small cities should be accounted for
when developing theories of concentrated disadvantage or policies designed to
ameliorate the impacts of mass incarceration on communities.
Chapter 3&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; Small Cities &#38;amp; Mass Incarceration


Chapter 3 charts the historical trends in imprisonment comparing urban, suburban,
small/mid-sized, and rural places using city- and county-level data. The focus
of this chapter are the small cities that have been understudied in the
literature on imprisonment. The findings show that imprisonment has
disaggregated spatially since the mid-1990s, and that large cities no longer
account for the majority of imprisonment in Massachusetts. In Massachusetts, a
gradual decline in prison admissions began in the mid-1990s, but this happened
in a spatially concentrated way: decline in Massachusetts imprisonment has been
concentrated in Boston—the largest city in the state. To complement the study
of state prison admissions, Chapter 3 also presents an analysis of U.S.
counties explores these patterns in the four main regions of the country,
examining jail population and prison admission data provided by the Vera
Institute of Justice. The findings in U.S. counties show a similar trend: both
in jail and prison populations, counties outside of large metros have eclipsed
the rates in the large urban metros in recent years.


Chapter 4&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; Social Services Beyond the Big City


In Chapter 4, I share the stories and perspectives of social service providers working in
small cities throughout the state of Massachusetts. Thus, I complement the
quantitative analysis in prior chapters with qualitative data derived from 64
in-depth, semi-structured interviews. I present several mechanisms derived from
these interviews. The social service providers describe struggling to help
clients access basic services. They described the unique social context of small
cities, and specifically spatial conditions of isolation and remoteness, social
service needs and policy neglect, stigma, and trajectories of economic decline,
all of which help explain the persistence of mass incarceration in these areas.
These spatial conditions deepen disadvantage in employment and pose challenges
to accessing housing and treatment among an already highly marginalized
population.


Chapter 5&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; 


Race &#38;amp; Communities of Pervasive Incarceration


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In Chapter 5, I revisit the role of race as an organizing principle for neighborhoods and
mass incarceration. I examine the issue of racial disproportionality and
disparity in neighborhood rates of imprisonment. I present the concept of pervasive incarceration to conceptually
distinguish places of intense and widespread criminal justice contact.
Examining racial disparity at different scales of geography, the chapter estimates
racial disproportionality—the ratio of the percentage of people who were sent
to prison and the percentage of people of a given race/ethnicity in a
geographic area—for White, Black, and Latino people in both neighborhoods and
in the sample of prison admissions to Massachusetts.


Chapter 6&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; Punishing Places


Chapter 6 explores
three new ways to measure the impacts of imprisonment on places by explicitly
reframing measures of community-level mass incarceration as normative concepts
pertaining to excessive punishment, full membership in democratic society, and
a broad notion of social welfare. I introduce excess incarceration as a way to conceptualize the presence of
excessive state control in a given area, exploring excess under norms of either
a “crime-warranted” perspective, and from an abolitionist perspective. Second,
I present the concept of the community
loss as a way to describe the total human costs of imprisonment using a measure
of person-years sentenced to state prison, aggregated to the community level.
Third, I present a framework of punishment
vulnerability as a way to conceptualize imprisonment as a community-level
hazard similar to environmentally hazardous conditions. This hazards framework
does not pathologize the conditions of poor and disadvantaged communities, but
asks more explicitly: what intersecting and cumulative conditions create
punishment vulnerability, how do people survive these conditions, and how might
these hazards be mitigated or eliminated?


Chapter 7&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; Beyond Punishing Places


I conclude
the book with a summary of the book’s contributions to sociology and policy
implications for criminal justice reform. In small cities where very little
alternative strategies exist, formal social control continues to be the policy
lever for responding to problems of addiction, poverty and joblessness. Policy
reform could focus on areas beyond large cities to address the consequences of
mass incarceration for communities, but that will not be enough to respond to
the historic injustices brought about by mass incarceration. The chapter
concludes with a discussion of how place-conscious reforms and initiatives could
put an end to mass incarceration. I describe community-based models of justice that
respond to the state-sponsored injustice of mass incarceration, and explore how
abolition and reparative justice could restore the harms associated with mass
incarceration.


Appendix


The Online Appendix provides details results reported in the book.
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		<title>Appendix</title>
				
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		<pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 00:26:26 +0000</pubDate>

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	Appendix

Additional data and results tables for Punishing Places: The Geography of Mass Imprisonment.

Descriptive Statistics of Massachusetts Census Tracts

	Measures

Tract violent crime rate (per 1,000)
Tract drug arrest rate (per 1,000)
Concentrated disadvantage (score)
&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;Family poverty (%)&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;Adults less than HS degree (%)&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;Female-headed households (%)&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;Civilians unemployed (%)&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;Public assistance income (%)
Foreign born (%)
Hispanic/Latino (%)
Non-Hispanic Black (%)
Non-Hispanic other race (%)
New residents (%)
	
Mean


4.7
3.3
.0
8.7
13.1
25.5
7.2
16.0
14.7
9.5
6.4
4.8
24.7
	Median
2.2
1.7
-.4
4.4
9.2
20.5
5.9
8.8
11.4
3.6
1.9
2.4
22.3
	S.D.
6.6
5.9
1.0
11.1
11.4
18.4
5.1
18.3
11.5
15.2
12.6
6.7
11.6


Note: Units are census tracts. N=1,464. Source: Author’s compilation of census and crime records.
Concentrated Disadvantage Measures
	Measures
Family poverty
Adults less than HS degree
Female-headed family households
Civilians unemployed
Households with public assistance income
	Factor score
.85
.77
.84
.63
.90
	

Note: Factor regression score from orthogonal rotated factor pattern of census tract concentrated disadvantage measures. Reported loadings &#38;gt;.60. Source: Author’s compilation of 2005-2009 American Community Survey estimates.
Distribution of Spatial Indicators in Massachusetts

	
Geographic Area

Boston
Greater Boston suburbs
Small cities
Surburbs and rural towns
	% of Census Tracts

11.5
17.3
20.8
50.4
	
Note: Percentages indicate the portion of census tracts falling inside the given regional area. Units are census tracts N=1,464. Source: Author’s tabulation of spatial areas.The Urban Model: Regression Analysis
	
Spatial lag of prison admissions

Log drug arrest rate

Log violent crime rate

Concentrated disadvantage score

Proportion non-Hispanic Black

Proportion Latino

Proportion other race

Proportion foreign born

Proportion new residents

Greater Boston suburbs

Small cities

Suburbs and rural towns

Constant

N census tracts
Pseudo R-squared
	(1)
.291***
(.04)


-.007
(.03)
.286***
(.03)
.481***
(.04)
.851***
(.16)
-.223
(.22)
-1.243***
(.32)
.067
(.25)
.923***
(.17)
-7.512***
(.09)

1,314
.599
	(2)
.249***
(.04)
.029
(.03)
.231***
(.03)
.436***
(.04)
.765***
(.18)
-.234
(.21)
-1.205***
(.31)
-.170
(.25)
.780***
(.18)
-.134*
(.07)
.203***
(.07)
-.272***
(.08)
-7.190***
(.13)
1,314
.655


Note: Results from negative binomial regression analysis of census-tract level prison admissions (2009-2017). ***p&#38;lt;.01. 
Source: Author’s compilation of census, crime, and prison admission recors.&#38;nbsp;Small Cities and Mass Incarceration: Regression Analysis
	

Proportion non-Hispanic Black
Proportion Latino
Concentrated disadvantage
Proportion vacant housing

Log violent crime rate

Uniformed officers rate
Small cities
Suburbs and rural towns

Constant
City-year observations
Pseudo R-squared

	1997-2006

1.826***
(.57)
1.018***
(.32)
.188***
(.03)
-.581*
(.31)
.084***
(.03)
.581***
(.04)
.577***
(.08)
.102
(.06)
-1.287***
(.18)
951
.379

	2007-2017
1.308***
(.34)
.270
(.23).142***
(.03)
1.010***
(.27)
.232***
(.02)
.560***
(.03)
.627***
(.07)
.025
(.06)
-2.019***
(.17)
1,074
.504
	

Note: Results from linear regression analysis of log prison admission rates in Massachusetts cities by time period, 1997-2017. Units are cities/towns. ***p&#38;lt;.01. Source: Author’s compilation of census, police employment, crime, and prison records.
Community Loss: Regression Analysis

	
Proportion non-Hispanic Black
Proportion Latino
Proportion other race
Concentrated disadvantage
Proportion vacant housing
Greater Boston suburbs

Small Cities
Suburbs and rural towns
Constant
City observations
City-year observationsPseudo R-squared

	Minimum Community Loss
2.442***
(2.96)
.279
(.51)
-1.266
(.92)
.553***
(8.54)
1.456**
(2.58)
-.0940
(.62)
.674***
(5.49)
-.0347
(.20)
1.426***
(7.39)
325
1,874
.339
	Maximum Community Loss
2.209***
(2.60)
.0781
(.14)
-2.068
(1.47)
.590***
(8.77)
1.263**
(2.18)
-.0487
(.31)
.720***
(5.55)
.0882
(.50)
1.668***
(8.43)
325
1,874
.368
	Prison Admissions
1.086
(1.75)
.119
(.33)
-1.936**
(1.97)
.350***
(6.54)
.753
(1.75)
-.0513
(.45)
.512***
(5.33)
.192
(1.43)
.899***
(6.55)
325
1,874
.421

Note: Results from linear regression analysis of community loss and prison admission in Massachusetts cities, 1997-2009. Units are cities/towns. Absolute t statistics in parentheses. **p&#38;lt;.05; ***p&#38;lt;.01. Models include fixed effects for year, and SEs are ajdusted for clustering by city. Source: Author’s compilation of cenus and prison records.</description>
		
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	Events &#38;amp; Talks


Crime, Justice &#38;amp; Society Seminar Series
University of Edinburgh Law School
November 1, 2021
8:30AM ETWatch Recording

Boston University Initiative on Cities
Seminar on Race, Place, and Space
November 17, 2021
4:00PM ET
Watch Recording
Punishing Places Virtual Book Launch &#38;amp; Discussion PanelDiscussants: Elizabeth Brown, Anthony Peguero, and Heather Schoenfeld
December 6, 2021

University of Southern CaliforniaCenter for Economic and Social ResearchJanuary 31, 20229:00AM ET

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	Reviews of Punishing Places


“Through masterful analysis and superb insight, Punishing Places challenges conventional wisdom about the American criminal legal system. Moving our field of vision beyond urban centers to small cities and rural towns—places sorely overlooked in scholarship and reporting—Simes reveals that mass incarceration is far more pervasive, excessive, and damaging than most imagine. This remarkably important book not only captures the vulnerabilities and losses facing marginalized places, but gives us hopeful steps for reversing the tide and making these communities whole.”
—Forrest Stuart, author of Down, Out, and Under Arrest, Professor of Sociology, Stanford University, winner of the MacArthur “Genius” Grant

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—Katherine Beckett, Chair and Professor, Law, Societies &#38;amp; Justice Department and Professor of Sociology, University of Washington“Incredibly well-conceived. Draws scholarly attention to under-studied places, while also providing important theoretical insights into how place serves as an important marker of the imprisonment experience.”

—Elizabeth Brown, author of Race and Crime: Geographies of Injustice

“Utilizing a unique and rare dataset, Simes shows that preoccupation with urban areas and crime has led to a myopic focus on big cities to the exclusion of smaller cities in terms of understanding the contribution of the interaction between neighborhood disadvantage and imprisonment.”

—Tracey L. Meares, Walton Hale Hamilton Professor, Yale Law School

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